Governments in the West are finally beginning to recognise
the powerful role of innovation. That is to say they are recognising that human
beings thrive when they are encouraged to think creatively about the problems
they face. Increasingly the age-old method of mechanistic taxation, subsidy,
incentives and punishments are being eschewed for more dynamic models of
behaviour change. For example large taxes on cigarettes has not been sufficient
to reduce smoking (and in turn not allayed the massive healthcare costs which
in modern society are in part borne by the state), recent proposals to
introduce plain packaging to cigarettes are designed to reduce the allure of
brand recognition (and supposedly the discriminative function of such stimuli
[see my Behaviourism article]) on the face of it this seems like a good
pragmatic suggestion (setting aside ethical arguments) but consider it in some
detail. The assumption underlying it is that smoking behaviour is a function of
the availability and salience of cigarettes; a fair assumption, but perhaps not
the whole story. Instead, consider the effect it will have on public perception
of smoking. By making it someone hidden, something secret and frowned upon you
risk increasing the appeal amongst certain individuals in so far as it becomes
a grown-up thing to do, something secretive… almost like a club! How powerful
does it feel to be part of a special club? We all know the sense of belonging
it creates.
This is not a blog about smoking regulation and I’ll leave
that sticky subject for another blog, but my point is that standard approaches
to managing behaviour have been ineffective.
Considerations about the individual are often left entirely
out of an analysis. Similarly the negative effects of state intervention are often
ignored or treated as a necessary evil. We often hear talks about “innovation
in society” or how “our community can innovate”. These are fancy buzz-words
picked up by politicians designed to garner votes, but they don’t hold up to
serious analysis. Anyone who works in a sector charged with innovation on any
level know how deeply personal innovation is. Yet it often requires
collaboration but that is not its defining feature.
The individual
Each person is unique. We all have a unique learning history
and, as such, set of behaviours. Our thinking (after all another type of
behaviour) is equally unique, especially as we diversify. A psychologist sees
the world in a very different way to a designer and an anthropologist. Each of
us, however, is capable of innovating in interesting and important ways. For
example, as a behavioural psychologist, I tend to view things in terms of – you
guessed it – behaviour. In designing a unique intervention I may be biased
towards my own literature, my own way of looking at things. I may,
concurrently, completely ignore the role of visual design (since I am not
skilled in it) and as such miss an important innovative opportunity (and vice
versa).
The State
The state has an important role in civilised society. It is
a policeman, a peacemaker, a co-ordinator, and a protector. It has legitimate
functions and illegitimate functions. When the state over-steps its bounds it
can wreak havoc with innovation. Example time again! Consider the NHS. The
pride and joy of every British citizen. A shining light in the modern world.
Unfortunately it has failed to innovate. Mired in bureaucratic roundabouts it
becomes impossible (indeed illegal!) to innovate within the confines of it. Any
innovation that does occur is slow and ineffective because it becomes dependent
on government approval. Want to trial a new way of handing A&E? Forget it.
Want to reorganise a ward for better management? No way. Those on the ground;
nurses, doctors, cleaners, healthcare workers of all stripes, are hog-tied and bound
by rules and regulations. Those charged with managing the NHS are given wide
powers but are not directly connected (nor skilled enough) to make the
appropriate changes, similarly they are hidebound to obey those above them and
so on. When you finally get to the top – parliament – you are faced with
opposing political factions all with their own ideas of what an NHS should look
like and all obstinate in their refusal to agree on anything that could
possibly help patients because it violates their ideological commitment.
The Truth
It’s a hard pill to swallow (pun intended!) but innovation
requires freedom; importantly it requires the freedom to fail. In our highly
controlled public sector innovation is all but stifled. Failure is not
tolerated. In fact there is a direct incentive to stick with the status quo
because those who do risk it all and fail are summarily fired and publically
humiliated and witch-hunted. On the one hand we demand better services, on the
other hand we can’t stomach the conditions required.
Something has to give
Something has to give
If we are truly serious as a society about innovation we
have to recognise some vital truths. The age of big government, top down
intervention and micro-management of public services has to end. This is not an
ideological argument but a pragmatic one. We cannot have our cake (perfectly
symmetrical, all-purpose public services) and eat it too (a rapidly innovative
set of services).
So what’s to be done?
It’s impossible to say for sure what needs to be done (we
need some meta-innovation for that one!) but what we do know is that our public
services need more breathing space. We need to introduce incentives for
trialling new ways of doing things. We need to be prepared to fail. We need to
respect the role of the individual in such measures. Instead of rejecting
evidence-based interventions in favour of political point scoring our
governments have to recognise that more autonomy has to be granted to public
services in order that they can make bespoke changes to respond to the evolving
needs of the citizenry they serve. If including a flat-fee for hospital
admissions reduces the strain on our doctors and nurses, we have to be prepared
to implement it. If a widening of police powers decreases crime, we have to be
prepared to do it. More importantly though we should be allowed to see it fail.
The answer is not a simple one. There is a long argument to
be had about how much freedom is necessary to both safeguard public services
for as long as people want them, but to make sure those services don’t devolve
into inefficient drains on limited resources, in the end they are funded by our
taxes and in a very real respect we are all owed well-run services. Central to
it all though is a very simple truth. We either innovate, and on a massive
scale, or we risk losing the services we hold so dear. Can we let go of
preconceptions about what a government and an individual should and should not
do in order to achieve the best possible world for everyone?
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